MDFF 13 September 2014

Our Dispatch today was first published on 22 April 2011.  The racist Intervention continues with white Australia’s complicity, the deliberate destruction of language is ongoing.

Estimados amigos,

Back from a Magical Mystery Tour
http://youtu.be/Hnrsqf33MXA

As we sat in a restaurant in Palomar, my childhood friend, Robi, (that I hadn’t seen in 55 years, and “found” on Facebook some time ago) pointed across to a building “esa es la escuela numero 51” (“that is state school no.51”). You know what? That is the first school I ever went to in 1949! In amongst my parents’ photograph collection there are me and my brother Ted wearing bright white starched “dustcoat” school uniforms. We looked like a swarm of butterflies as we took our first steps on the road to literacy and numeracy, multilingualism and adulthood.

The palm tree in the park that my brother set on fire (leaving a tall black stump that later magically sprouted new green fronds) is no longer there, neither is the magnolia tree. Robi’s older brother and I had tried to make magnolia perfume, a miserable failure. We lived in la Avenida Colegio Militar it’s since been renamed la Avenida de los Geranios. It was in front of Robi’s house that Ted and Robi had strung a rope across the Avenida Colegio Militar and made Herr Fischbach fall off his bycicle. Robi now tells me he copped a hiding from his father for that.

There is a Spanish word añoranzas which describes a feeling of yearning for a past that no longer exists.

Añoranzas has no exact equivalent in the English language.

It is a feeling I occasionally get for my childhood in Argentina.

…despreciaron la chacarera por otra danza importada….
http://youtu.be/cYei_BKOOGE

El bien perdido (“the good lost”- yet another inadequate translation)
http://youtu.be/Agu63R4C2CM

The two most important words in Portuguese are obrigado (thank you) and saudades.

Wikipedia: Saudade (singular) or saudades (plural) is a Portuguese language word difficult to translate adequately, which describes a deep emotional state of nostalgic longing for something or someone that one was fond of and which is lost.
http://youtu.be/9kkiGJOJaUs
http://youtu.be/E_7BV-IuyKI

“Above all, let us permit native children to keep their own languages, – those beautiful and expressive tongues, rich in true Australian imagery, charged with poetry and with love for all that is great, ancient and eternal in the continent. There is no need to fear that their own languages will interfere with the learning of English as the common medium of expression for all Australians. In most areas of Australia the natives have been bilingual, probably from time immemorial. Today white Australians are among the few remaining civilized people who still think that knowledge of one language is the normal limit of linguistic achievement.” – T.G.H Strelow,1958.

Every language is precious. I’ve said it before: to deny children the opportunity to grow up multilingual and multi-literate when the circumstances exist to make this possible, is nothing less than a crime.
http://youtu.be/EHtZJC_4YmE

In case you didn’t know, the Warlpiri language has an almost exact equivalent of saudade, it is yirraru.

Ngula juku
Jungarrayi

HOPE; the danger.

A yes vote in Scotland would unleash the most dangerous thing of all – hope Independence would carry the potential to galvanise progressive movements across the rest of the UK

George Monbiot,  Tuesday 9 September 2014, The Guardian

Of all the bad arguments urging the Scots to vote no – and there are plenty – perhaps the worst is the demand that Scotland should remain in the union to save England from itself. Responses to my column last week suggest this wretched apron-strings argument has some traction among people who claim to belong to the left.

Consider what it entails: it asks a nation of 5.3 million to forgo independence to exempt a nation of 54 million from having to fight its own battles. In return for this self-denial, the five million must remain yoked to the dismal politics of cowardice and triangulation that cause the problems from which we ask them to save us.

“A UK without Scotland would be much less likely to elect any government of a progressive hue,” former Labour minister Brian Wilson claimed in the Guardian last week. We must combine against the “forces of privilege and reaction” (as he lines up with the Conservatives, Ukip, the Lib Dems, the banks, the corporations, almost all the rightwing columnists in Britain, and every UK newspaper except the Sunday Herald) – in the cause of “solidarity”.

There’s another New Labour weasel word to add to its lexicon (other examples include reform, which now means privatisation; and partnership, which means selling out to big business). Once solidarity meant making common cause with the exploited, the underpaid, the excluded. Now, to these cyborgs in suits, it means keeping faith with the banks, the corporate press, cuts, a tollbooth economy and market fundamentalism.

Here, to Wilson and his fellow flinchers, is what solidarity meant while they were in office. It meant voting for the Iraq war, for Trident, for identity cards, for 3,500 new criminal offences, including the criminalisation of most forms of peaceful protest. It meant being drafted in as political mercenaries to impose on the English policies to which the Scots were not subject, such as university top-up fees and foundation hospitals. It meant supporting every destructive and unjust proposition advanced by their leaders: the brood parasites who hatched in the Labour nest then flicked its dearest principles over the edge. It’s no surprise that the more the Scots see of their former Labour ministers, the more inclined they are to vote for independence.

So now Better Together has brought in Gordon Brown, scattering bribes in a desperate, last-ditch effort at containment. They must hope the Scots have forgotten that he boasted of setting “the lowest rate in the history of British corporation tax, the lowest rate of any major country in Europe and the lowest rate of any major industrialised country anywhere”. That he pledged to the City of London “in budget after budget, I want us to do even more to encourage the risk takers”. That, after 13 years of Labour government, the UK had higher levels of inequality than after 18 years of Tory government. That his government colluded in kidnapping and torture. That he helped cause the deaths of hundreds of thousands through his support for the illegal war on Iraq.

He roams through Scotland, still badged with blood, promising what he never delivered when he had the chance, this man who helped unravel the social safety net his predecessors wove; who marketised and dismembered public services; who enriched the wealthy and shafted the poor; who pledged money for Trident but failed to reverse the loss of social housing; whose private finance initiative planted a series of timebombs now exploding throughout the NHS and other public services; who greased and wheedled and slavered his way into the company of bankers and oligarchs while trampling over the working people he was elected to represent. This is the progressive Prester John who will ride to the rescue of the no campaign?

Where, in Scotland’s Labour party, are the Keir Hardies and Jimmy Reids of our time? Where is the vision, the inspiration, the hope? The shuffling, spineless little men who replaced these titans offer nothing but fear. Through fear, they seek to shove Scotland back into its box, as its people rebel against the dreary, closed future mapped out for them – and the rest of us – by the three main Westminster parties.

Sure, if Scotland becomes independent, all else being equal, Labour would lose 41 seats at Westminster and Tory majorities would become more likely. But all else need not be equal. Scottish independence can galvanise progressive movements across the rest of the UK. We’ll watch as the Scots engage in the transformative process of writing a constitution. We’ll see that a nation of these islands can live and – I hope – flourish with a fully elected legislature (no House of Lords), with a fair electoral system (proportional representation), and with a parliament in which only representatives of that nation can vote (no cross-border mercenaries).

Already, the myth of political apathy has been scotched by the tumultuous movement north of the border. As soon as something is worth voting for, people will queue into the night to add their names to the register. The low voter turnouts in Westminster elections reflect not an absence of interest but an absence of hope.

If Scotland becomes independent, it will be despite the efforts of almost the entire UK establishment. It will be because social media has defeated the corporate media. It will be a victory for citizens over the Westminster machine, for shoes over helicopters. It will show that a sufficiently inspiring idea can cut through bribes and blackmail, through threats and fear-mongering. That hope, marginalised at first, can spread across a nation, defying all attempts to suppress it. That you can be hated by the Daily Mail and still have a chance of winning.

If Labour has any political nous, any remaining flicker of courage, it will understand what this moment means. Instead of suppressing the forces of hope and inspiration, it would mobilise them. It would, for instance, pledge, in its manifesto, a referendum on drafting a written constitution for the rest of the UK.

It would understand that hope is the most dangerous of all political reagents. It can transform what appears to be a fixed polity, a fixed outcome, into something entirely different. It can summon up passion and purpose we never knew we possessed. If Scotland becomes independent, England – if only the potential were recognised – could also be transformed.

Twitter: @georgemonbiot. A fully referenced version of this article can be found at monbiot.com

 

Breaking Up Part 1

Anthony Eames writes: With the Scottish referendum looming, a vote for independence is now becoming a real possibility.  Indeed, this timely article from the New Scientist suggests that the days of the large, unitary nation-state could be over, giving way to smaller regional entities, such as Catalonia, Padonia, Free Tyrol, the Basque nation, Hutt River Province, etc.

This process could lead to the British Isles eventually accomodating the Irish Republic, The Welsh Free State, the Manx People’s Republic, the Autonomous Duchy of Cornwall and the Channel Islands Federation… oh, yes, and the Kingdom of England, too, of course!  But regardless of all this treasonous talk, count on it that the staunch Proddies of Ulster will stay loyal to the last! (No Surrender!)

Seriously, Scottish independence could raise many questions.  For example, would the current Union flag be redesigned to reflect the removal of St Andrew’s Cross  – and would that Disunion Jack be then carried over to our own Australian flag?  Would the Gaelic language enjoy the same official status in Scotland as in Ireland?  Would the Celtic nations of Ireland and Scotland form a voting bloc and trade preferences in the Eurovision Song Contest?

The answers to these and other weighty and contentious questions should be revealed very shortly…

 

In Gough’ Time

by Alan Watterson (Letter to The Byron Shire Echo, 26 August, 2014, pp. 13-14)

I too have ‘long and first-hand memories of the Whitlam government’, Tim Harrington (Letters, August 19 – p 18)).  I remember that it funded badly needed new hospitals across Australia, introduced community health centres, support for the homeless, women’s refuges, funded the building of over 13,000 homes for low-income families, doubled support for home carers, introduced support for single mothers, increased pensions and other welfare benefits to liveable levels, and introduced universal health care (which the Fraser government, like the current one, tried to dismantle), increased funding to the neglected schools sector and abolished university fees, initiated reconciliation and self-determination for Aboriginal people, passed the Racial Discrimination Act, lowered the voting age, ended conscription, abolished capital punishment, enacted ‘one vote one value’ electoral reforms, established the Australian Legal Aid Office, introduced our own national anthem and honours system, extended the minimum adult wage to include female workers, instituted no-fault divorce and established the Family Court, cleaned up corporate behaviour with the Trade Practices Act, brought oversight to ownership with the Foreign Investment Review Committee, provided work to 32,000 otherwise unemployed Australians, enacted environmental protection legislation, protected  the Great Barrier Reef (Bjelke-Petersen wanted to drill for oil), ratified the World Heritage Convention (which later enabled the /14 protection of the Franklin River), signed up to RAMSAR, CITES AND JAMBA conventions to protect endangered species, created the Australia Council for the Arts and the Film Commission, brought sanitation to Australian cities through the National Sewage Program, and prevented the destruction of Glebe and Woolloomooloo, among other things.

All this was done while the western world was in recession due to the oil crisis, and having to fight an election every 18 months.  They may not have got everything right, but they transformed a backwater into a progressive member of the international community and laid the foundations for much of which Australia can be proud today.

Alan Watterson

Mullumbimby

In case you need to be reminded of the acronyms,

The Ramsar Convention (formally, the Convention on Wetlands of International Importance, especially as Waterfowl Habitat) is an international treaty for the conservation and sustainable utilization of wetlands,[1] recognizing the fundamental ecological functions of wetlands and their economic, cultural, scientific, and recreational value. It is named after the city of Ramsar in Iran, where the Convention was signed in 1971.

 

CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora, also known as the Washington Convention) is a multilateral treaty to protect endangered plants and animals. It was drafted as a result of a resolution adopted in 1963 at a meeting of members of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN). The convention was opened for signature in 1973, and CITES entered into force on 1 July 1975. Its aim is to ensure that international trade in specimens of wild animals and plants does not threaten the survival of the species in the wild, and it accords varying degrees of protection to more than 35,000 species of animals and plants. In order to ensure that the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was not violated, the Secretariat of GATT was consulted during the drafting process.[1]

 

The Japan Australia Migratory Bird Agreement (JAMBA) is a treaty between Australia and Japan to minimise harm to the major areas used by birds which migrate between the two countries. Towra Point Nature Reserve plays a role in the agreement, being an area in Australia used by migratory birds. JAMBA was first developed on February 6, 1974 and came into force on April 30, 1981.

JAMBA provides for cooperation between Japan and Australia on measures for the management and protection of migratory birds, birds in danger of extinction, and the management and protection of their environments, and requires each country to take appropriate measures to preserve and enhance the environment of birds protected under the provisions of the agreement.

 

Adam Goodes, Activist

by Andrew Webster  First published Fairfax, September 5, 2014

Adam Goodes was dragged into the spotlight again this week amid accusations he milked free-kicks. But the Australian of the Year explains why he will never tire of using the public platform that award afforded him to fight for a better society.

Well, since you brought it up, Shane Warne, he didn’t ask for any of this.

He didn’t hit the phones, work the room or the numbers. He pressed no flesh.

He didn’t campaign to be standing on the lawn before Parliament House on the afternoon before Australia Day, nervously shifting in the fading Canberra light as Prime Minister Tony Abbott revealed him as Australian of the Year.

They chose him.

“My argument has always been, ‘I didn’t nominate me,”‘  Adam Goodes says. “I don’t have a vote on the Australia Day council. It’s their choice. But the platform I’ve got because of the award is something I will be forever grateful for. My voice can now reach a lot further than before.

“My Australian of the Year role never finishes, because being an Aboriginal person doesn’t stop.”

“We all have a voice”: Goodes. Photo: Brendan Esposito

Surely, there are more worthy recipients: the doctors and neurosurgeons and professors who discover cures for cancer, the philandering leg-spin bowlers who took hundreds of Test wickets  … You’re just a footballer.

Toss that last statement out there as a piece of bait and that’s when Goodes reveals he is anything but.

“If people only remember me for my football,” he says, “I’ve failed in life. I live by that quote.”

He’s borrowed it from Isiah Thomas, the former Detroit Pistons point guard from the 1980s who is considered one of the NBA’s all-time greats.

“He uses basketball,” Goodes continues. “I change it to football. If I’m only defined by my sport, I really have failed. I’m not married, I don’t have children yet. But that’s my legacy: the children I bring into the world, and the impact they have. I have a great platform to do something special, before all that happens. Yes, I’ve opened myself up for more criticism, but I’m a professional athlete. I get criticised every week. I’m used to it. It doesn’t mean it doesn’t hurt, but you get used to it.”

Goodes told me these things a fortnight ago, in the café beneath Allianz Stadium, following a Swans training session at the SCG.

Among the throng of Roosters and Waratahs players, and the important suits from NRL headquarters, the hour spent with the AFL icon is privileged and rare airtime.

Since his anointment as Australian of the Year, the requests for interviews, speaking engagements, school visits and far more haven’t abated. There were 80 or so emails to his manager in the first week. About 50 every week since.

Time is something he doesn’t have much of right now, yet a fortnight remains an eternity in the life of Adam Goodes.

Since our interview, much has happened: he and Swans teammate Lance Franklin have been racially abused by a 70-year-old Western Bulldogs fan, who was evicted from Etihad Stadium at the behest of members from the same club; he’s been accused of “staging” for free kicks, attracting criticism from some of the greats of the game yet no rebuke from the match review panel; and he’s had his standing as Australian of the Year questioned by Warne via the former cricketer’s preferred mode of communication these days — Twitter.

“Like every other Australian, Warnie is entitled to his opinion on Goodesy’s football — so too the Australian of the Year,” says former Test wicketkeeper Adam Gilchrist, the chairman of the Australia Day Council that decides who receives the title. “I love to think that people are discussing who the recipient is. It means they are engaging with the program.

“Some have misconstrued Warnie’s comments as racist. People have got wildly out of control if they think that.”

Despite this, the simplistic view from some within the AFL community is that Goodes received the award for being the victim of racism.

The defining moment came on May 24 last year, in the fading minutes of the Swans’ match against Collingwood at the MCG.

It was the opening round of the annual Indigenous Round. On that same day, Goodes had appeared in the Sydney press replicating the famous image of St Kilda hero Nicky Winmar, holding up his jumper and proudly pointing to his dark skin.

When a 13-year-old girl on the boundary fence called Goodes an “ape”, he stopped, removed his mouthguard and told the security guard: “Mate, I don’t want her here. Get her out of here.”

Goodes does not weary of speaking about that moment, and the good and bad dialogue that followed.

“I’m not tired of it,” he says. “That is one instance in a long line of instances in my life of racial abuse. It’s just the one most documented, because it was on TV, at the MCG, in the Indigenous round.

“We’re very resilient. We’ve had to be. Survival was a big part of it. Aboriginal people are a big group of survivors. I had an opportunity to speak up. I wanted to make the environment different for the next batch of minority groups coming through my sport, and community. Fifty years ago, others did it for me. Why shouldn’t I do it for others?”

Yet it still hurts. He reveals he has been approached to talk at the girl’s school, but has rejected the request.

“No, I haven’t spoken to the girl this year,” Goodes says. “I don’t think too many people would be surprised by that. My role isn’t to make sure they’re okay. They have contacted me. It’s my choice. They’ve gotten responses, but nothing directly from me. There was an opportunity to go to her school to do some stuff, but the timing didn’t work out and I was like, ‘Do I want to do that?’ It was just something I didn’t want to do to be honest. There’s been stuff for me and Eddie, too, but nothing to the point where I want to catch up.”

He’s referring to Eddie McGuire here, the Collingwood president who shook Goodes’ hand in the dressing-room after the MCG incident and said his club abhorred racism — then, days later, jokingly made comparisons between the incident and the new King Kong musical about to hit Melbourne.

Goodes says his relationship with McGuire will never be the same.

“No, it won’t,” he says. “Eddie and I have had a long relationship. He’s made a mistake but sometimes you don’t want to be around people who think a certain way, or say certain things.”

McGuire is taken aback when I suggest this to him. He says he had been in regular contact with Goodes via text messages during last year’s finals series.

When he saw Goodes at a function the day before last year’s grand final, he felt the bitterness was starting to cool.

“We hugged each other,” recalls McGuire. “I had my two boys, I introduced them to him. I thought this was hopefully the beginning of a reconciliation between us. I still hope we will. I know what we had before that, but it’s not for me to be concerned about that. When Adam is good and ready, I hope he realises I’m on his side.”

McGuire maintains his comments were misconstrued that morning on Triple M in Melbourne, but understands why they wounded Goodes so deeply.

“That’s bad luck for me,” he says. “But Adam has gone through this issue his whole life. The thing for me was not to drop my head. I try as much as I can to see it from Adam’s point of view. Okay, I was bruised and battered and terribly upset. But he’s copped this all his life. He’s a big, strong footballer, but this is generations of abuse and intolerance. When you’re a warrior, making a stand, sometimes you get hurt.”

For Goodes, football once broke down barriers. But now?

Whenever the Sherrin finds Goodes’s 34-year-old hands whenever he is playing in Melbourne, many opposition fans will boo and hiss. Whether it’s because they don’t agree with his stance at the MCG that night, agree with Warne’s sentiment that he didn’t deserve his Australian of the Year mantle, or believe that he’s a “protected species” when it comes to the act of staging is all up for debate.

“I think he’s been universally applauded by the football community for what he’s done,” McGuire insists. “Fighting this type of discrimination is at the heart of our game. Fans just boo great players. Bob Hawke walked onto the MCG at the height of his popularity in the 1980s. He was booed.”

Goodes has said before “Australian rules is the best way to express my Aboriginality”. The more he reads the more he strongly believes in the influence the traditional indigenous game of Marn Grook had on this giant of Australian sport.

Yet footy is more to him than that. Ask him what life would have been like without it, and he fires back with this: “It’s like asking me what it  would be like if I wasn’t black.”

He’s received a landslide of correspondence this year, from all corners of life. What broadens his smile the most are the ones from school children who are minorities.

“They talk about the inspiration they’ve gotten from seeing me stand up the way I have, for them to do the same, at school, on the sporting field, to say ‘Enough is enough’. That is so empowering: to see something that I will always do — stand up for what I believe in — has given other people the courage and the knowledge to do. It’s inspiring. It shows me this is working.”

That doesn’t mean he is oblivious to the hate.

“For every 50 letters I get, there are five that want to tell me how bad a person I am,” Goodes says. “They send it to the club. Some of them put their names to it, and I always like to thank them for their time and effort of writing a letter. And I’m sorry that I can’t change their opinion of me, and what I’ve done.”

Goodes, though, knows opinions are changing.

When Bombers fans reported one of their own earlier this year for making racist remarks, he knew how far the game had come in a short period.

“That’s the response we want,” he says. “Whether they are wearing black and red or white and red, or they’re just an AFL supporter, calling someone out for saying something inappropriate is the right thing to do.

“The way Essendon handled it was fantastic. They didn’t ban him forever. People make mistakes. We don’t have to behead everyone who makes a mistake. I’ve made mistakes in the past. He can learn about Aboriginal cultural and he can learn why it’s so offensive. I don’t want an AFL supporter booted out forever. I want to share our game with everyone. It’s a great game to share. Just be aware that the things you do or say at a football game, that people are watching and people are listening.”

Not so long ago, however, his voice wasn’t so loud.

When Goodes was drafted to Sydney from South Australia as a 17-year-old, he says he was “shy, not sure of myself and lazy”.

“It took a while to find my voice and accept that this is who I am and be a big part of that,” he says.

At Sydney, he found Brownlow medals and premierships, but he also found Michael O’Loughlin, a 300-gamer who still teaches him more about life than football.

“He was my first real male figurehead,” Goodes reflects. “A father figure but close enough in age to be my big brother. To have an older brother — something I had never had — has been priceless. To finally feel vulnerable and for that to be okay, to have someone to talk to who was older, and a bloke, was nice. It was nice to be in his shadow and grow in his shadow into the person I am now.”

Now, the pair spearhead their own foundation, which has the mission to develop and empower the next generation of Indigenous role models.

Goodes found strength in O’Loughlin, but he found it first in his mother, Lisa Sansbury, a member of the Stolen Generation.

“I can’t think of how you live your life without your biological parents and never seeing them again,” he says. “Then finding out that you’re a ward of the state since you were five years old. You have three kids to my father. Then after ten years of being engaged and married, and then have the courage to take the kids and leave, then bring the three kids up by herself. If my mum can do that, there’s not too much in the world that can happen to me that I can get really down about. That’s where I get my strength from. If my mum can get through, and do that and be the person she is, there’s not too much I can sit here and whinge about.”

He laughs. “And she won’t listen anyway,” he says.

The only time Goodes lapses into cliché during our hour together is when we talk about football.

He says his tricky knee is fine. He reports his instincts have never felt sharper. And he won’t give this non-AFL reporter the scoop on whether he’s going to keep playing beyond this year.

“Next year?” he says. “The best thing about what happens next year is that it’s my call. I’ve got no pressure from the footy club. I can play out the year and decide what I want to do. What I can say is that if I do choose to retire, I don’t have to do something straight away to pay the mortgage. It can be a calculated decision.”

A possible third premiership looms, yet you sense the gratifying moments of Goodes’ season have already come and gone.

“People who don’t know anything about football, but are grateful for the causes I’m involved with, are the best,” he says. “To have Jewish people, Indian people, all of them come up to me and say thank you for bringing awareness. Those things are what make it. I never find someone in the street who writes those bad letters, or says those bad things. It would be nice to see those people so I can have a conversation, so I can ask them why they think what I did was so, so, so wrong? I’m not afraid of confrontation.”

He pauses, takes a sip of his organic juice, and smiles.

“It doesn’t have to be an argument. We all have a voice. And they are all worth listening to.”

Poetry Sunday 7 September 2014

Here’s a wonderful poem by Seamus Heaney entitled  ‘Thatcher’, with comments by Ira Maine, Poetry Editor

After the Hitler war, when I was a kid in country Ireland, young local ploughmen always had an audience. One or two watchers to begin with, lifetime  habit early birds, already settling themselves on the field wall and lighting their pipes as the light came up. The horses, snuffling and eager, tramped and jingled, their breath wreathed magically around their heads. The onlookers were not there to watch a master at work. They were there to watch a learner  make a total ‘omadan’ of himself. Pronounced ‘Omma- Dawn’ it is the Gaelic word for ‘idiot.’They were there to fall about helplessly as wobbly furrows were accidentally gone over twice or trampled to hell and gone by ill-directed Irish Draught horses. They were there to see a momentary lapse in concentration fail to leave enough room to turn at the headland, or how great the hump in the middle of the field would be when the learner had finished ‘ploughing’. And they all waited, breathlessly, to see the ploughman lose his footing, stumble and fall on his arse.

Then the fun was over, the chuckling ceased and for the next two hours, the old hands would take turns to walk patiently alongside the young learner, advising, easing, quietly watching, quick to correct, murmuring encouragement, helping to instil confidence, until the boy found himself walking alone behind the horses again, the men retired to the headland once more,  watching, thoughtful and quiet.

They would be back again tomorrow, and the next day.  The boy was their apprentice now and the quality of his skills would reflect on them. They already knew, by the way he carried himself, how he accepted advice, how he responded to his animals, that he had a good head, essential to the making of a ploughman. How good would absolutely depend on them.

Bless my soul, carried away…it’s my only excuse…

Here’s a wonderful poem by Seamus Heaney entitled  ‘Thatcher’. where the already highly skilled tradesman appears suddenly one morning to perform a service that is beyond the ken, absolutely beyond the grasp of ordinary mortals. He is going to thatch a cottage. This is an absolute reversal of the ploughman story. Those who gather to watch can offer no advice but all of them have opinions. If the thatcher was to take any notice of their mutterings he might as well abandon all and take up macrame.

The second four line verse where the man seems to do very little except fiddle around with hazel and willow rods, or ‘…opened and handled sheaves of lashed wheat-straw…’

Where would you get ‘sheaves’ of wheat straw nowadays? You’d need a reaper and binder in order to get sheaves. Long lengths of  tubular wheat-straw, bound tightly together and left stacked to dry in the sun. Buy a bale of wheat-straw today and the tubular stems have been smashed, flattened and rendered useless by the baler. The tubes contain air and provide insulation within the thatch.

Down on the ground the natives are restless.

‘..it seemed he spent the morning warming up…’

You can imagine the grizzling and the grumbling, the ill-informed negative whingeing as the man goes about his professional preparation.

‘Why is he taking so long?’

‘Why doesn’t he just get on with it?’

‘What the hell’s he doing now?’

Then he is on the roof, hooping and lashing, trimming and flushing, pushing the u-shaped and sharpened hazel ‘staples’ down into the golden wheat to fix them permanently. It is a mad chaotic scene with gold bundles of wheat everywhere, and onlookers shaking their heads knowledgeably as if they knew what was wrong and knew precisely what to do to fix it. Bundles of whippy willow are hauled up amongst the rafters, adding to the  the apparent disaster. The willow is somehow sewn into place, the thatching knives alive, chopping, trimming, the whetstone singing on the blade’s edge. More and more wheat bundles are hauled aloft, some accepted, some rejected, the rejects rolling softly down the roof and catching against the half-finished thatch. Some of these tear and burst open, the contents spilling out like pin-cushions, some tumbling, to hang from the roof like golden ragged curtains..

Days go by….

What a mess! What a bloody disaster!

Quietly, one day, he raked and swept all loose and discarded material away.

Then, on another day, he ‘…stitched all together into a sloped honeycomb, a stubble patch…’

Finished, he gathered his tools, got on his bike and left.

The people who always know best,stood back confounded, slack-jawed, and gazed in disbelief at the perfectly finished, golden result.

The thatcher cycled on, leaving them ‘gaping at his Midas touch.’

A bloody great poem which provided me with excuse enough to witter on endlessly. I enjoyed every wittering syllable!

If you didn’t, well, I think you need a good slap on the leg!

Thatcher.

Bespoke for weeks he turned up some morning
Unexpectedly, his bicycle slung
With a light ladder and a bag of knives.
He eyed the old rigging, poked at the eaves,

Opened and handled sheaves of lashed wheat-straw.
Next the bundled rods: hazel and willow
Were flicked for weight, twisted in case they’d snap.
It seemed he spent the morning warming up:

Then fixed the ladder, laid out well-honed blades
And snipped at straw and sharpened ends of rods
That, bent in two, made a white pronged staple
For pinning down his world, handful by handful.

Couchant for days on sods above the rafters,
He shaved and flushed the butts, stitched all together
Into a sloped honeycomb, a stubble patch,
And left them gaping at his Midas touch.

END

I’m told by people on line that this is also a poem about how Heaney himself  assembles a poem. I’m ambivalent on this, but it sounds like thin ice to me.

Is Heaney saying that when he finishes a poem he leaves the public ‘…gaping at his Midas touch?’

Sounds like the usual suspects clutching at straws myself.

MDFF 7 September 2014

Our Dispatch today was first published on 21 April 2011.  The racist Intervention continues with white Australia’s complicity.

Buenos dias amigos,

Walking from el Jardin Japones along la Avenida del Libertador in Palermo, as I approached some large trees at the entrance to a small plaza, I felt some wet splashes, and then some more. A lady stood behind me and sang out “Señor” and pointing up at a tree “un pajaro le está cagando” (“a bird is crapping on you”), and indeed there were some vile smelling, snotty stains on my shirt and trousers. The lady started to remove the stains with a tissue, and was subsequently joined by a gentleman “no se preocupen, que lo limpio cuando llege a casa” (“don’t worry I’ll clean it when I get home”). They persevered, and I was impressed by their friendly concern. In Australia, if a kookaburra crapped on me, passers-by would only have laughed.

I then walked past the zoo and came to a chorizo stand where I ordered the Argentine equivalent of a hot dog. I took my wallet out of my trouser pocket. The driver’s licence and credit cards were there, the approx. 250 pesos were not.

I wondered if the bird had been trained to shit on people. When I got home the stain pattern on the back of my shirt clearly showed that no bird in a tree was responsible! The power of suggestion!

…I want to be free like a bird in a tree…..
http://youtu.be/0wTKo_kPlck

In hindsight the only pajarón on the scene was I!

So now, dear dispatchee (how Dickensian is that?- “dear reader”….), as is customary I’ve got you wondering: “What has all this have to do with Yuendumu?”. Well, the pickpocketting activities in Buenos Aires pale into insignificance when compared to the massive rip-off being visited upon remote Aboriginal Australia. Millions of dollars being spent on an army of bureaucrats, consultants, contractors and officials, all in the name of “Closing the Gap”. ….All in the name of Liberty…

http://youtu.be/yF7yGA-JJBw

In Argentina I got my $Aus60’s worth. I got to admire real professionals with flair doing their stuff. The same can’t be said for those that are picking the pockets of Aboriginal Australia. They don’t gracefully return the wallet with the credit cards and driver’s licence. They take those too…..es un pedazo del alma que se arranca sin piedad… (…it’s a piece of the soul, torn out without pity…)

http://youtu.be/Ja0HBp2hL-Q

take another little piece of my heart…

http://youtu.be/-7JVxE2SYxo

Adiós

Franklin

Intellectual Disarray on Sex

In our previous post David Allyn identified extraordinary conservatism and little science in the medical profession’s approach to sex (such that ‘sexually assertive’ women were blamed for male impotence!).  Today we explore this theme even further, with another extract from his 2000 book Make Love not War, The Sexual Revolution: An Unfettered History  Little,Brown and Company, New York:

The intellectual disarray of the medical establishment regarding sex, typified by the work of George Ginsberg, paved the way for one of the most inaccurate and misleading “sex education” books of all time, Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Sex. . . But Were Afraid to Ask. It was also the hottest book of 1970 . . . .  Copies of the book were so hard to come by, one branch of the New York Public Library had a 39 person waiting list for Reuben’s book. . . . The book’s author, a New York psychiatrist, named Dr David Reuben, attained instant celebrity status.  . .  With his nerdy glasses and sheepish can-you-believe-I’m-telling-you-this smile. . . . He was the self-styled Robespierre of the sexual revolution, supposedly charging forward with brutal honesty where others feared to tread.

But Reuben’s collection of unscientific claims and recycled myths was like Robespierre’s guillotine, far more dangerous than anyone at first imagined.  It was replete with the very sort of misinformation Alfred Kinsey and Masters and Johnson had worked hard to discredit.  “It won’t be long,” Reuben pronounced without citing any supporting evidence, “before almost everyone in the United States has venereal disease.”  Manufacturing statistics out of whole cloth, Reuben claimed that 80 percent of Americans engaged in oral sex.  In a section on birth control, he recommended douching with Coca Cola:

Long a favourite soft drink, it is, coincidentally, the best douche available.  A coke contains carbonic acid which kills the sperem and sugar which explodes the sperm cells.  The carbonation force it into the vagina under pressure and helps penetrate every tiny crevice of vaginal lining.  It is inexpensive (ten cents per application), universally available, and comes in a dispensable applicator.

Reuben failed to mention that such a procedure could cause salpingitis, peritonitis, or fatal gas embolism.

Reuben devoted many pages to “explaining” homosexuality, presenting his opinions on the subject as statements of fact.  “One penis plus one penis equals nothing,” he wrote. “There is no substitute for hetero-sex – penis and vagina.” . . .

The book was packed with factual errors.  “Cancer of the penis occurs only among uncircumcised men,” Reuben wrote, a statement that is simply untrue.  “Erection of the nipples always follows orgasm in the female,” he alleged.  “In spite of heaving hips, lunging pelvis, passionate groans – no nipple erection, no orgasm.  It is an accurate mammary lie detector – for those who insist on the truth.”  Reuben, unfortunately, insisted on anything but the truth.  Gore Vidal denounced Reuben in the New york Review of Books, pointing out the utterly unscientific nature of his claims.  But who was going to listen to Gore Vidal, as self-identified bisexual novelist, over a well known doctor?  Even Screw, the raunchy New York newspaper called Everything You Always Wanted to Know “the most insane book in the history of psychiatric theory.”

When challenged on the validity of his statements, Reuben was unshakeably smug.  “In psychiatry everyone is entitled to his own opinions based on his own experience.”  No matter how shoddy his science Reuben was embraced by fellow doctors as the official spokesman on sex in the seventies.  At the University of Pennsylvania, for instance, Everything You Always Wanted to Know was assigned to students taking a course sponsored by none other than the school’s Sexual Counseling Service. . . .

How could Americans in 1970 – some twenty years after the first Kinsey Report – swallow Reuben’s fallacies and outright lies?  Why didn’t the medical establishment tear him down and emend the honour of the profession?  The is no simple answer to this last question, but when it came to sex, physicians frequently sacrificed scientific objectivity for moralism and superstition.

 

 

Let’s blame the women

David Allyn identifies extraordinary conservatism and little science in the medical profession’s approach to sex.  This from his 2000 book Make Love not War, The Sexual Revolution: An Unfettered History  Little,Brown and Company, New York:

(William) Masters and (Virginia) Johnson deserve much credit for having attempted to study bodily processes objectively and scientifically.  There were plenty of self-appointed experts running around in the late sixties and early seventies willing to make claims about sex without having done any research whatsoever.  For instance, following the success of Masters and Johnson’s books, and the subsequent flood of newspaper and magazine reports about sex therapy, medical experts discovered “The New Impotence,” a supposedly high incidence of men reporting the problem.  In October 1972, Esquire magazine quoted a member of the New York Community Sex Information telephone help line: “You get the feeling that every man in the city is impotent or sufferes from premature ejaculation.”  the journal Medical Aspects of Human Sexuality published a round table discussion on the subject in its October 1971 issue, in which four out of the five experts on the panel concurred that rates of impotence were increasing.  The clinician credited with discovering the problem, George Ginsberg, associate director of psychiatric services at New York University Hospital, cited one major cause for the trend: the new sexual assertiveness of women.  “When we explored these sexual failures, we found a common male complaint: Newly freed women demanded sexual performance.”  Apparently, sexually assertive women threatened men’s sense of masculinity.  Accordingly, women bore the responsibility for mitigating the impact of their newfound strength.

“Unconscious transmission of feminine revenge by an aggressive manner and over-assertiveness may enhance a man’s castration anxiety with consequent fear of the vagina.  This must be seen in an adaptational and social framework rather than as a purely psychological and particularly intrapsychic phenomenon.” (Ginsberg)

The New Impotence caused Ginsberg and fellow experts to reevaluate the sexual revolution.  “Although for some the new ‘sexual freedom’ may indeed be liberating, for others it merely induces different symptoms rather than improve mental health.”

Ginsberg was only one of many doctors who regarded feminism with suspicion and the sexual revolution with disdain.  Strangely enough, when it came to sex, the medical establishment as a whole was often willing to settle for ignorance and superstition instead of rigorous thought and concrete facts.  Masters and Johnson were far from model scientists, but compared to contemporaries like George Ginsberg, they had much to offer the cause of sexual freedom.  If nothing else, they gave journalists the opportunity to write about important aspects of human sexuality without euphemism or vulgarity.  Whether their own research was objective or not, Masters and Johnson increased the scientific credibility of the idea of separating fact from opinion in the study of sex.

 

Decent Argument

“I’m going to say something really dangerous now,” warned panellist Jane Caro on Monday night’s Q&A. With the special “Festival of Dangerous Ideas” episode having meandered through the pedestrian topics of toy boys, single parenthood and social media bullies, it was a welcome relief.

Asked whether prostitution could be considered a deliberate career choice, Ms Caro – an author, feminist and education expert – said that marriage, in an historical context, could itself be considered a form of the ‘world’s oldest profession’.

“I would argue that traditional marriage, which included conjugal rights, particularly when women were not able to go to work or were fired when they first got married, and were basically selling their bodies and their reproductive rights to their husband…was a form of prostitution,” she said.

“He bought them, by giving her room and board in return.”

The comment caused a minor stir on social media, with some users calling the idea “stupid” and “immoral”. A rival media outlet described it as an “odd monologue” out of touch with reality.

Fellow Q&A panellist Kajsa Ekman, a Swedish author who argued against prostitution as empowerment, said Ms Caro’s comparison was “abstract”.

“We’re talking here about a world in which a lot of people in prostitution have sex with up to 15 buyers a day,” she told the Opera House audience.

“I think that [journalist turned sex worker Amanda Goff] might soon realise it wasn’t really that empowering, and that it is not representative of the majority of people who enter prostitution.

“My definition of prostitution personally is it’s sex between two people, one person that wants it and one person that doesn’t. If you don’t have that criteria you don’t have prostitution.”

Ms Caro told Fairfax Media on Tuesday that she had made a “historical analogy” rather than sought to compare modern marriage with prostitution, and did not back away from her comments.

“I talked about traditional marriage when they had conjugal rights – I didn’t mention stay-at-home housewives at all,” she said.

“And I’m sorry – I still think that historical analogy with the way marriage was [holds true]. I think in some parts of the world [marriage is] arguably not all that far away from prostitution.”

She also joked that in times gone by “if you were a prostitute maybe it lasted an hour – if you were married it lasted a lifetime”.

Ms Caro said the Q&A audience got the joke and understood the point she was making. She described her critics’ subsequent response as “a beat up”.

“I’m not surprised, tragically. I think it’s not uncommon for people to jump on something and distort it these days, which is really sad. It was, after all, a panel about dangerous ideas.”

Other feminist authors have previously made the same argument, including Sheila Jeffreys in her 2009 book The Industrial Vagina and Mary Wollstonecraft in her 1792 manifesto A Vindication of the Rights of Woman.

The issue of prostitution also caused controversy at a Festival of Dangerous Ideas event on Sunday, when three Sydney sex workers handed out flyers and posed with a sign that declared: “I am a sex worker. I am not for sale.”

The demonstrators were protesting a discussion about the global sex trade in which four journalists and writers – but no actual sex workers – were invited to speak.

-by Michael Koziol  with Tom Decent
From Fairfax 2 September 2014